A way to a better place for valuing human life?

Sally Phillips: “My son has Down’s syndrome – but I wouldn’t want to live in a world without it.” On her own documentary on the subject on BBC TWO on Wednesday night she told us why. It was compelling viewing.

It was funny, it was humane and one felt that if the whole question of the value of human lives in this world might be approached in this spirit we might all be in a much better place.

This report by Elizabeth Day, which appeared in the Daily Telegraph on the day of the screening, gives a flavour of the tone and character of the programme. Day told us:

The programme examines the issues around Down’s Syndrome with intellectual rigour but is also extremely moving, largely because of Phillips herself who made the decision to include Olly in the film. He emerges as a chatty, engaging and kind little boy who often has his younger siblings, Luke, nine, and Tom, four, in hysterics.

People aren’t fascinated by the things people with Down’s Syndrome can do better, which are: relate to people, be funny, be comfortable in their own bodies

When she told her younger children their older brother had Down’s Syndrome, Luke responded, ‘and have I got Up Syndrome?’, says Phillips. 

‘And then to Tom, I said, “You have to understand, sometimes Olly doesn’t understand and he gets angry.” And Tom said, “What, like Dad?”’

After the initial teary conversation in the hospital, she was expecting tragedy. Instead, she got comedy.

‘I suppose I always like absurd scenarios,’ she acknowledges. ‘I just started noticing that it was funny… So, for example, when Olly ran away wearing a Leo Sayer wigand outsized sunglasses in the shape of stars and you’re chasing him down the road barefoot, it’s: “Ok, this isn’t that different from work.”…I mean, he’s got great comic timing. He’s naturally incredibly funny. Always has been.’

Of course, Phillips and her husband were often intenselystressed or in denial during those first five years. Of course, it took a period of adjustment.

Naturally, it wasn’texactly what they had expected parenthood to be, and sometimes it required help from live-in nannies and grandparents (something which Phillips admits she is lucky to be able to afford). But, in other ways, it was better.

This was the report on MercatorNet following the screening.

For the wider world to have access to this wonderful programme we will have to wait for boradcasting organisations around the globe to sort out the rights agreements which currently deprive us of so much valuable broadcast material – and there isn’t much that is more valuable than this. YouTube to the rescue?

Ethical dilemmas in snooping and spooking

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In the aftermath of one of the biggest coups brought about by investigative journalism in recent years, this autumn’s Dublin conference on the media is very timely. The coup, of course, was the Daily Telegraph’s exposé of corruption in the beautiful game. At a time when – as Fraser Nelson observed in a column in the same paper reflecting on the Telegraph’s sting – investigative journalism seemed to have taken a fatal hit from the forces of regulation, the Allardyce et al seedy revelations are effecting something of a resuscitation of the genre. The Cleraun Media Conference in Dublin, with an impressive line-up of contributors, seems to offer a great opportunity to take stock of where this sometimes nefarious, sometimes heroic, pursuit of a story is going.

“A few years ago”, Nelson observed, “Sam Allardyce might have found a little more sympathy for his complaint about having fallen victim to ‘entrapment’. When the Leveson Inquiry was in full swing, and newspapers were the subject of the Metropolitan Police’s largest-ever criminal investigation, journalism itself was in the dock. Politicians and celebrities whose indiscretions had once made front-page news – Hugh Grant, John Prescott, Max Mosley – were in full pursuit of their former tormentors. There seemed to be a new consensus: that the nosy press had gone too far and it was time to bring it under democratic (ie political) control.”

Nelson admits that Allardyce certainly was the victim of a sting, but one that stands as a classic example of what newspapers ought to be doing – and illustrates the importance of a vibrant, investigatory and free press.

The Cleraun conference looks at the whole genre in a wider context. The full title of the conference is Investigative Journalism on the Digital Frontier: New Sources, New Tools, New Technologies, New Audiences.

This is the 16th Cleraun Media Conference, a biennial event which has been running now for 30 years. It takes place on Friday – Sunday, 11 – 13 November 2016 at Chartered Accountants House, 47-49 Pearse Street, Dublin 2.

Speakers lined up are:

Carol Leonnig, Washington Post, Pulitzer Prize Winner in 2015 and 2014.

Declan Lawn, BBC Panorama & BBC NI Spotlight.

Alys Harte, BBC 3 File on Four.

Cécile Schilis-Gallego, International Consortium of Investigative journalists.

Matt Cooke, Google News Lab UK.

Eliza Mackintosh, Storyful UK.

George Carey, British documentary-maker.

Colin Coyle, Sunday Times.

Mark Coughlan, RTÉ Prime Time.

Mark Dooley, Irish Daily Mail.

Steve Dempsey, Sunday Independent.

Seán McCárthaigh, The Times.

Philip Gallagher, documentary director and producer.

Gerard O’Neill, Amárach Research.

Suzanne Kennedy, Newslinn.

The Programme, since the Cleraun series has adopted as part of its brief, the provision of supplementary resources for young journalists in Dublin’s media colleges, will include two “masterclasses” for them.

One will be given by with Carol Leonnig on investigative journalism and another by veteran investigator, George Carey, on producing an investigative documentary – featuring his recent and riveting investigation into the story of the spy, George Blake.

That the Cleraun conference casts its net over a wider area than the printed word is important. As Nelson points out, “When Margaret Thatcher was first elected, some 32 per cent of voters bought a newspaper. When the Leveson Inquiry started, it was 18 per cent. Now, it’s 12 per cent. About 5,000 fewer people will pick up a paper today than did last Friday. To hold a newspaper, to read it at the breakfast table or in the bath, is one of life’s greatest pleasures – but it’s an increasingly rare pleasure. The BBC is the hegemon, in the written word as well as the spoken: four times as many people get their news from its website than do from any newspaper.”

He adds that the enormous costs of investigative journalism – in an news and current affairs industry whose economic foundations are apparently disintegrating – mean that exposés of corruption are becoming rarer. This, he says, rather than an over-powerful press, ought to alarm politicians. Britain and Ireland are, by international standards, fairly in-corrupt countries. Only relentless scrutiny will keep them that way.

Investigative Journalism on the Digital Frontier: New Sources, New Tools, New Technologies, New Audiences. Twitter handle: @Cleraunmedia. Full details at www.cleraunmedia.com .

Monthly musings in ALIVE!


What liberals did to Venezuela

Blame It on Fidel, Fidel being Fidel Castro, is a film by Julie Gavras, daughter of the famous left-wing film director, Costa Gavras. She is more subtle than her father, but no less ideological. 

Made about ten years ago, and set in France, the film tells the story of two radical left-wing parents and Anna, their daughter. 

An intelligent and precocious little girl, Anna is mystified by and resentful of the sacrifices her father and mother make for the causes they espouse. 

Those sacrifices, including poverty and removal from the religion class where she excelled, bring suffering on her as well. 

Eventually, however, the influence of her parents prevails and she goes down the same radical road herself.

While Gavras’ ideology is clear the film is a touching and revealing study. It shows how a child’s mind and soul are influenced by her surroundings and by the adults among whom she lives and whom she loves. 

But the film works on two levels, the personal and the ideological. We watch it today, aware of what is going on in Venezuela, whose present woes can certainly be blamed on Fidel.

The country is on the brink of what commentators are calling “apocalyptic collapse” under its economically illiterate President, Nicolás Maduro. 

Even food is in desperately short supply; the murder rate in Caracas, the capital, is the world’s highest; and inflation may top 700% this year. 

The failure of the socialist policies of Hugo Chávez and his successor, Maduro, now stand exposed. Unbelieveably, despite all this, the cult of Chavismo is still strong. 

According to the Financial Times, Venezuela has the world’s largest oil reserves, and “should be a rich, modern nation.” 

Instead, after 17 years of “revolutionary rule” under Chávez and Maduro, it provides the “most extreme example” of the mismanagement that led to the downfall of leftist governments in Brazil and Argentina. 

But its problems go far beyond the economic illiteracy of its leaders, said Matt O’Brien in The Washington Post. 

Much of the money “redistributed” under Chávez went straight into of the pockets of the regime’s cronies, and drug dealing has flourished. These days, Venezuela is no better than a “gangster state”. 

Venezuelan Emiliana Duarte, writing in The New York Times, reflects: we were raised to believe that we lived in “the most stable democracy in South America. 

“Yet now I find myself in a country where mob lynchings are commonplace – 74 have been reported this year.”

Looking at little Anna 10 years on from Gavras’ story of her conversion to her parents’ radicalism, and looking back at those radicals of the late sixties, we wonder what they would make of Venezuela today, a product of all they stood for.

An end to meaningful political debate

Ireland is not a particularly radical country, despite last year’s referendum which changed the institution of marriage to include homosexual relationships. 

That vote was passed more on a wave of sentiment cooked up by a powerfully funded lobby and a notoriously biased media rather than by any thought-out radicalism. 

What is frustrating about Ireland, however, is that while it is at heart conservative, it is pathologically ashamed of being so. 

It has few conservative media voices and every political party is terrified of being called conservative.

And the country’s left-wing minority have organised themselves in the media so that conservative voices are excluded or sneered at or intimidated as soon as they speak.

All this is crippling our capacity for serious political thought and a meaningful political debate.

Political parties are not in themselves the problem, as many people complain. Edmund Burke argued in their favour.

They were not, he said, factions contending for their own particular advantage, but rather bodies of people united by a vision of the common good of the nation. 

Partisanship, he insisted, was beneficial, as it helped to organise politics into camps defined by different priorities about what was best for the country.

Parties as such are not our problem. Our problem is the poverty of our political thought and judgment – impoverished because it no longer has a basis for recognising what the common good of society is.

Learn from history or…

Historian Mary Beard has written a new book, S.P.Q.R., on her speciality, ancient Rome. It will not endear you to the Romans, and may even horrify you. 

Certainly they were trying to do their best, striving for some kind of justice. The book gives some sense of mankind’s long painstaking journey towards the rule of law. 

While we see some of the origins of our own civilisation there, we realise how radical and necessary was the Christian revolution to bring us to where we are today.

The book also reminds us of what we will lose if we abandon the principles of that revolution, as the West is now doing wholesale. 

Only when Roman society began to be transformed by the Christian faith did the Roman world and law flourish as the framework for western civilisation that it has become today. 

Until then it was a cruel world, dominated by selfishness and the pursuit of power and pleasure, filled with the seeds of its own destruction. 

History is full of warnings. We ignore them at our peril.

From the current issue of ALIVE! 

This is where we are but does anyone know what to do about it?


Today’s New York Times tells a story which, when you read between the lines, is not news about what has just happened. It is about what is going to happen. Add it to the story of a few days ago when British security chiefs warned us that their concern is not about whether that country will be subject to another terrorist assault, but when it will happen. The result you get when you tot up this sum is that we are under siege. Alarmism? No. Just alarm.

It is all the more alarming when we seem not to have the slightest notion of how to protect ourselves from an enemy whose ruthlessness, with each new atrocity, exceeds the one which went before. At the moment all we seem to hear from our governments are expressions of horror, condemnation, and outrage in which all the superlatives have been exhausted and sound banal.

Empty platitudes of defiance and promises of ‘no surrender’ are all we get by way of coherent policy – and they’re no policy at all. Where are the leaders who are going to deal with this? Where are the ideas about how to deal with this. If they do not emerge soon we are at the eve of destruction as the Roman world was in the face of the barbarian onslaught of the 5th and 6th centuries. In the world in which we live, given the pace at which things can move now, our destruction will be fast and furious to a degree which will make progress of the fall of the Roman Empire look like a snail’s pace.

The only policy the international community seems to have in place currently is that of defeating ISIS on the ground in the Middle East. How effective those policies are remains to be seen. ISIS now, however, has clearly opened up a second and far more deadly front – a front that is not a front at all but a lethal virus. It is this strategy that has us all at sea and through which so much havoc can be wreaked that it can truly destroy us.

The Times flagged its story this morning in its daily briefing newsletter with this:

Believing he was answering a holy call, Harry Sarfo left his home in the working-class city of Bremen last year and drove for four straight days to reach the territory controlled by the Islamic State in Syria.He barely had time to settle in before members of the Islamic State’s secret service, wearing masks over their faces, came to inform him and his German friend that they no longer wanted Europeans to come to Syria. Where they were really needed was back home, to help carry out the group’s plan of waging terrorism across the globe.

“He was speaking openly about the situation, saying that they have loads of people living in European countries and waiting for commands to attack the European people,” Mr. Sarfo recounted on Monday, in an interview with The New York Times conducted in English inside the maximum-security prison near Bremen. “And that was before the Brussels attacks, before the Paris attacks.”

Read more »

In Britain today we have an example of the futile gestures which passes for policy when it was announced and reported on Channel 4 News that:

Hundreds more armed police, with handguns and semi-automatic weapons, will be put on patrol around London’s major landmarks – as the Met police chief promised to help reassure the public and deter terror attacks.

The song remains the same


Britain is a trading nation, surely one of the greatest in the history of the world. Its empire was built on trade and not built initially on political ambitions. Once built, politics and political struggles had to feature, but they were not what it was all about. This may not have been true in the medieval era when feudal and dynastic forces were primarily in play – for example, the Angevin Empire, the reining in by Henry II of his feudal barons in Ireland and the Hundred Years War. But in the Modern era the driving forces were trading ambitions and explorations seeking more lucrative trade.

And so it still is today. The United Kingdom joined what is now the European Union – significantly it was still the European Economic Community then – for reasons of trade. That Community already had a political purpose in its DNA but Britain – perhaps naively – chose to ignore it, or think that this would really never come to anything. Britain has a political self-identity which means it would never allow itself to be politically subject to any alliance or coalition of European nations, even a benign one.

The satirical portrayal of Britain’s relationship with the European Union portrayed in the BBC’s Yes Prime Minister 30 years ago has more than a grain of truth in it.

So where is this trading nation now, in the aftermath of Brexit? Not very far, we might suspect, from where it wants to be or needs to be to keep itself on track as a leading trading nation in the world.

Brexit has now freed Britain from the political bonds which she saw relentlessly tightening on her by the well-intentioned semi-democratic – if we accept the standard definition of democracy – alliance which is the European Union. She may now say to herself, “now that’s done, and I’m glad its over”, and get on with what she does best – trading.

But will the sulking members of the European Union whose political bonds she has unceremoniously and shockingly severed now want to make life difficult for her. Will they want to punish, as some have threatened, her by thwarting her trading ambitions. Not likely, for the simple reason that to do so would be to make life difficult for itself. Sensible people do not usually bite off their noses to spite their faces.

While political union remains an ambition of the EU, it knows very well that such a union has no future if trading principles and economic well-being are neglected. The leaders of the Eu will now sit down with new Prime Minister Teresa May and her team-GB and hammer out a trading agreement which will be as much as possible like that which has been operating over the past 20 years and evolving for 40 years. For the EU to come to that negotiating table looking for revenge is the stuff of tabloid journalism. They will be looking for the best deal for them – and the best deal for them will be essentially “more of the same”. If an important component of your car’s engine breaks down you set about repairing it to get yourself moving again. You do not discard it in a fit of anger and hope for the best. You repair it. You may replace it with a better model – but you cannot ignore it.

The silly remark by Jean-Claude Junker, in response to Brexit, that “the British vote has cut off one of our wings, but we are still flying”  was wryly commented on by a letter-writer in the Daily Telegraph who said, “Presumably the direction is round and round in circles.” That would be about the height of it if Junker’s attitude were to prevail.

The Daily Telegraph reported speculation today – in the light of the bizarre economic growth figures reported for the Republic of Ireland yesterday – that Ireland  might be the hardest hit nation of the EU in the aftermath of Brexit. No, she won’t, for the very same reason that the EU will be looking for as little disruption as possible in trading arrangements between all the nations which up until now have made up the Union.

The only negative prospect for Ireland now is a political one. With the UK in the EU there was some hope of a brake on “ever closer union”. Now there is none. Ireland now is at risk of losing whatever was left of the sovereignty she won almost 100 years ago by exiting the United Kingdom. When she attached her carriage to the European Economic Community over 40 years ago, like Britain, she did not give much thought to loss of sovreignty. Since then, however, she has felt the gradual erosion of this and the tensions associated with it. That tension was manifested in two futile rejections of EU treaties – in both cases she was sent back to think again and on each occasion humbly submitted to the greater authority.

With the United Kingdom’s weighty and contrary carriage now politically uncoupled from the EU train, Ireland can expect to see a High Speed Rail transformation and find herself, sooner rather than later, coupled to a sovereign federal state. She may have to think about that and ask herself if this is what she really wants, as she currently celebrates the 100th anniversary of the rebellion which led to her decoupling from another Union.

Still unsurpassed?


Time for a little diversion again, courtesy of the New York Times online “Backstory” once more. Today they take us through the history of the sliced pan – or any other kind of loaf you like to mention.

Sliced bread is, of course, the benchmark for all good things. But it wouldn’t exist quite as we know it without Otto Frederick Rohwedder, a jeweler born on this day in 1880. 

His bread slicer produced the first package of machine-cut and wrapped bread 48 years later, on his birthday in 1928.

Bakers didn’t love the first version of Mr. Rohwedder’s invention, which he started working on in 1912. They feared the individual slices would quickly go stale. Mr. Rohwedder tried to ward that off by holding the loaves together with sterilized hairpins, but the pins kept falling out.
Finally, he added a step that automatically wrapped the bread, too. 

Eventually Wonder Bread bought a version of the machine.

Sliced bread was banned very briefly in 1943, to wide chagrin. The move was intended to control bread prices and save on wax paper during World War II. Headlines heralded the lifting of the two-month ban: “Housewives’ Thumbs Safe Again,” read one.

It wasn’t just housewives, though. In 1963, reporters noticed a Band-Aid on President John F. Kennedy’s finger and asked him what had happened.
Mr. Kennedy laughed and replied: “I cut my finger when I was cutting bread, unbelievable as it may sound.”

Amy Padnani contributed reporting.

Underlying causes which led to Brexit

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The philosopher John Gray argued on BBC Radio last week that Brexit will have a greater impact on the EU than it will on the UK. And he predicts the British experience is likely to be repeated across much of continental Europe over the next few years. 

There is much that is compelling in his analysis.One of the most salient points he makes is that the underlying causes which led to Brexit are not to be found in England – or in Britain – but in the EU itself. This is a project which, by overreaching itself, will unravel disastrously unless these are honestly addressed and resolved.

I think what he is saying is that it is time for the promoters of the European project to stop dreaming of a superstate and become more pragmatic. Then we can all get back to living real lives and feel free again.

That this feeling of freedom has evaporated and left  a sense of loss of sovereignty in a number of European countries is dangerous. The do-good idealism inherent in the European project has failed to translate into reality in the hearts of Europeans. Failures like that are often not just unfortunate. They can be dangerous. The resentment generated by failed well-intentioned experiments can be the seed-bed of very dangerous reactions. The theory of this project is not enough, no matter how confident its champions may be that it is working in practice.

Is there at work here an example of  what Tolstoy wrote in War and Peace? He was commenting on the German, General Pfuel, fighting for the Czar. He described him as “one of those hopelessly and immutably self-confident men, self-confident to the point of martyrdom as only Germans are, because only Germans are self-confident on the basis of an abstract notion – science, that is, the supposed knowledge of absolute truth.”

At first sight, Pfuel, in his ill-made uniform of a Russian general, which fitted him badly like a fancy costume, seemed familiar to Prince Andrew, though he saw him now for the first time. There was about him something of Weyrother, Mack, and Schmidt, and many other German theorist-generals whom Prince Andrew had seen in 1805, but he was more typical than any of them… 

A Frenchman is self-assured because he regards himself personally, both in mind and body, as irresistibly attractive to men and women. An Englishman is self-assured, as being a citizen of the best-organized state in the world, and therefore as an Englishman always knows what he should do and knows that all he does as an Englishman is undoubtedly correct. An Italian is self-assured because he is excitable and easily forgets himself and other people. A Russian is self-assured just because he knows nothing does not want to know anything, since he does not believe that anything can be known. The German’s self-assurance is worst of all, stronger and more repulsive than any other, because he imagines that he knows the truth- science- which he himself has invented but which is for him the absolute truth.

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Surely this is a sentiment not too far from that of General Pfuel?

Could it be that this self-assurance of Pfuel – or Martin Schulz – is what permeates the European project for “ever-closer union” and that a growing number of those living within the borders of this block are now beginning to feel repelled by it – because they know that it is as ill-fitting for them as the Russian uniform which Pfuel found himself inhabiting? Might it be that the citizens of the best-organized state in the world, paraphrasing Tolstoy,  always knowing what they should do and knowing that all they will do as  Englishmen will undoubtedly be correct – have made the right call on this?

Reducing our public discourse to meaningless gibberish


Of all the ‘isms’ that supposedly rational mankind has inflicted on this world there is none more irrational, vicious and ridiculous than racism. It has spawned murderous violence, hatred and wasted lives like no other. But like a great many other evils in this world, a misunderstanding of the true nature of an evil and a confusion in the public mind as to what really constitutes an evil is almost as evil as the thing itself. This is now happening to the evil that is racism.

If I have a simple disagreement with my friend or colleague while we look for a solution to some problem, our lives can remain fairly simple. We don’t lose sight of the substantive issue. If, on the other hand, I find myself disagreeing on exactly the same issue with someone from a different cultural background, of a different nationality, ethnic group or even a different race, I immediately expose myself to the charge of racism. As soon as that happens we lose sight of the problem we have been trying to resolve.

This confusion is dangerous. It is crippling our capacity to think, to converse and to organise our society. It is absolutely rife in the current discourse over Britain’s relationship with the European Union and it is paralysing us in our efforts to pursue any kind of justice in resolving some of the terrible consequence the horrors in the Middle East and Africa.

The abuse of language is vicious – and what we have in this case is an abandonment of meaning in language. Language is one of our civilisation’s most precious gifts. The weakening of its capacity to help us find solutions to our problems threatens to destroy us.

A racist must always be called out for what he is. But calling people racists in the utterly lazy way in which the term is now being thrown around is not only ridiculous but is also reducing our public discourse to meaningless gibberish.